Czytasz wypowiedzi wyszukane dla słów: President Andrew
Temat: A jak inspektorzy znajdą broń w Iraku?
Czytajcie, walczcie z własną głupotą
FOREIGN POLICY
U.S. sent Iraq germs in mid-'80s
By DOUGLAS TURNER
News Washington Bureau Chief
9/23/2002
WASHINGTON - American research companies, with the approval of two
previous presidential administrations, provided Iraq biological
cultures that could be used for biological weapons, according to
testimony to a U.S. Senate committee eight years ago. West Nile
Virus, E. coli, anthrax and botulism were among the potentially fatal
biological cultures that a U.S. company sent under U.S. Commerce
Department licenses after 1985, when Ronald Reagan was president,
according to the Senate testimony.
The Commerce Department under the first Bush administration also
authorized eight shipments of cultures that the Centers for Disease
Control and Prevention later classified as having "biological warfare
significance."
Between 1985 and 1989, the Senate testimony shows, Iraq received at
least 72 U.S. shipments of clones, germs and chemicals ranging from
substances that could destroy wheat crops, give children and animals
the bone-deforming disease rickets, to a nerve gas rated a million
times more lethal than Sarin.
Disclosures about such shipments in the late 1980s not only highlight
questions about old policies but pose new ones, such as how well the
American military forces would be protected against such an arsenal -
if one exists - should the United States invade Iraq.
Testimony on these shipments was offered in 1994 to the Senate
Banking Committee headed by then-Sens. Donald Riegle Jr., D-Mich.,
and Alfonse M. D'Amato, R-N.Y., who were critics of the policy. The
testimony, which occurred during hearings that were held about the
poor health of some returning Gulf War veterans, was brought to the
attention of The Buffalo News by associates of Riegle.
The committee oversees the work of the U.S. Export Administration of
the Commerce Department, which licensed the shipments of the dangerous
biological agents.
"Saddam (Hussein) took full advantage of the arrangement," Riegle
said in an interview with The News late last week. "They seemed to
give him anything he wanted. Even so, it's right out of a science
fiction movie as to why we would send this kind of stuff to anybody."
The new Bush administration, he said, claims Hussein is adding to his
bioweapons capability.
"If that's the case, then the issue needs discussion and clarity,"
Riegle said. "But it's not something anybody wants to talk about."
The shipments were sent to Iraq in the late 1980s, when that country
was engaged in a war with Iran, and Presidents Reagan and George Bush
were trying to diminish the influence of a nation that took Americans
hostages a decade earlier and was still aiding anti-Israeli
terrorists.
"Iraq was considered an ally of the U.S. in the 1980s," said Nancy
Wysocki, vice president for public relations for one of the U.S.
organizations that provided the materials to Hussein's regime.
"All these (shipments) were properly licensed by the government,
otherwise they would not have been sent," said Wysocki, who works for
American Type Culture Collection, Manassas, Va., a nonprofit
bioinformatics firm.
The shipments not only raise serious questions about the wisdom of
former administrations, Riegle said, but also questions about what
steps the Defense Department is taking to protect American military
personnel against Saddam's biological arsenal in the event of an
invasion.
Riegle said there are 100,000 names on a national registry of gulf
veterans who have reported illnesses they believe stem from their
tours of duty there.
"Some of these people, who went over there as young able-bodied
Americans, are now desperately ill," he said. "Some of them have
died."
"One of the obvious questions for today is: How has our Defense
Department adjusted to this threat to our own troops?" he said. "How
might this potential war proceed differently so that we don't have the
same outcome?
"How would our troops be protected? What kind of sensors do we have
now? In the Gulf War, the battlefield sensors went off tens of
thousands of times. The Defense Department says they were false
alarms."
U.S. bioinformatics firms in the 1980s received requests from a wide
variety of Iraqi agencies, all claiming the materials were intended
for civilian research purposes.
The congressional testimony from 1994 cites an American Type shipment
in 1985 to the Iraq Ministry of Higher Education of a substance that
resembles tuberculosis and influenza and causes enlargement of the
liver and spleen. It can also infect the brain, lungs, heart and
spinal column. The substance is called histoplasma capsulatum.
American Type also provided clones used in the development of germs
that would kill plants. The material went to the Iraq Atomic Energy
Commission, which the U.S. government says is a front for Saddam's
military.
An organization called the State Company for Drug Industries received
a pneumonia virus, and E. coli, salmonella and staphylcoccus in
August 1987 under U.S. license, according to the Senate testimony.
The country's Ministry of Trade got 33 batches of deadly germs,
including anthrax and botulism in 1988.
Ten months after the first President Bush was inaugurated in 1988, an
unnamed U.S. firm sent eight substances, including the germ that
causes strep throat, to Iraq's University of Basrah.
An unnamed office in Basrah, Iraq, got "West Nile Fever Virus" from
an unnamed U.S. company in 1985, the Senate testimony shows.
While there is no proof that the recent outbreak of West Nile virus
in the United States stemmed from anything Iraq did, Riegle said, "You
have to ask yourself, might there be a connection?"
Researchers at the Center for Strategic and International Studies
said American companies were not the only ones that sent anthrax
cultures to Iraq. British firms sold cultures to the University of
Baghdad that were transferred to the Iraqi military, the Center for
Strategic and International Studies said. The Swiss also sent
cultures.
The data on American shipments of deadly biological agents to Iraq
was developed for the Senate Banking Committee in the winter of 1994
by the panel's chief investigator, James Tuite, and other staffers,
and entered into the committee record May 25, 1994.
The committee was trying to establish that thousands of service
personnel were harmed by exposure to Iraqi chemical weapons during the
Gulf War, particularly following a U.S. air attack on a munitions
dump - a theory that the Defense Department and much of official
Washington have always downplayed.
Bureau assistant Diana Moore and News researcher Andrew Bailey
contributed to this article.
Temat: Iracka broń - Made in USA, Made in UK
Iracka broń - Made in USA, Made in UK
FOREIGN POLICY
U.S. sent Iraq germs in mid-'80s
By DOUGLAS TURNER
News Washington Bureau Chief
9/23/2002
WASHINGTON - American research companies, with the approval of two
previous presidential administrations, provided Iraq biological
cultures that could be used for biological weapons, according to
testimony to a U.S. Senate committee eight years ago. West Nile
Virus, E. coli, anthrax and botulism were among the potentially fatal
biological cultures that a U.S. company sent under U.S. Commerce
Department licenses after 1985, when Ronald Reagan was president,
according to the Senate testimony.
The Commerce Department under the first Bush administration also
authorized eight shipments of cultures that the Centers for Disease
Control and Prevention later classified as having "biological warfare
significance."
Between 1985 and 1989, the Senate testimony shows, Iraq received at
least 72 U.S. shipments of clones, germs and chemicals ranging from
substances that could destroy wheat crops, give children and animals
the bone-deforming disease rickets, to a nerve gas rated a million
times more lethal than Sarin.
Disclosures about such shipments in the late 1980s not only highlight
questions about old policies but pose new ones, such as how well the
American military forces would be protected against such an arsenal -
if one exists - should the United States invade Iraq.
Testimony on these shipments was offered in 1994 to the Senate
Banking Committee headed by then-Sens. Donald Riegle Jr., D-Mich.,
and Alfonse M. D'Amato, R-N.Y., who were critics of the policy. The
testimony, which occurred during hearings that were held about the
poor health of some returning Gulf War veterans, was brought to the
attention of The Buffalo News by associates of Riegle.
The committee oversees the work of the U.S. Export Administration of
the Commerce Department, which licensed the shipments of the dangerous
biological agents.
"Saddam (Hussein) took full advantage of the arrangement," Riegle
said in an interview with The News late last week. "They seemed to
give him anything he wanted. Even so, it's right out of a science
fiction movie as to why we would send this kind of stuff to anybody."
The new Bush administration, he said, claims Hussein is adding to his
bioweapons capability.
"If that's the case, then the issue needs discussion and clarity,"
Riegle said. "But it's not something anybody wants to talk about."
The shipments were sent to Iraq in the late 1980s, when that country
was engaged in a war with Iran, and Presidents Reagan and George Bush
were trying to diminish the influence of a nation that took Americans
hostages a decade earlier and was still aiding anti-Israeli
terrorists.
"Iraq was considered an ally of the U.S. in the 1980s," said Nancy
Wysocki, vice president for public relations for one of the U.S.
organizations that provided the materials to Hussein's regime.
"All these (shipments) were properly licensed by the government,
otherwise they would not have been sent," said Wysocki, who works for
American Type Culture Collection, Manassas, Va., a nonprofit
bioinformatics firm.
The shipments not only raise serious questions about the wisdom of
former administrations, Riegle said, but also questions about what
steps the Defense Department is taking to protect American military
personnel against Saddam's biological arsenal in the event of an
invasion.
Riegle said there are 100,000 names on a national registry of gulf
veterans who have reported illnesses they believe stem from their
tours of duty there.
"Some of these people, who went over there as young able-bodied
Americans, are now desperately ill," he said. "Some of them have
died."
"One of the obvious questions for today is: How has our Defense
Department adjusted to this threat to our own troops?" he said. "How
might this potential war proceed differently so that we don't have the
same outcome?
"How would our troops be protected? What kind of sensors do we have
now? In the Gulf War, the battlefield sensors went off tens of
thousands of times. The Defense Department says they were false
alarms."
U.S. bioinformatics firms in the 1980s received requests from a wide
variety of Iraqi agencies, all claiming the materials were intended
for civilian research purposes.
The congressional testimony from 1994 cites an American Type shipment
in 1985 to the Iraq Ministry of Higher Education of a substance that
resembles tuberculosis and influenza and causes enlargement of the
liver and spleen. It can also infect the brain, lungs, heart and
spinal column. The substance is called histoplasma capsulatum.
American Type also provided clones used in the development of germs
that would kill plants. The material went to the Iraq Atomic Energy
Commission, which the U.S. government says is a front for Saddam's
military.
An organization called the State Company for Drug Industries received
a pneumonia virus, and E. coli, salmonella and staphylcoccus in
August 1987 under U.S. license, according to the Senate testimony.
The country's Ministry of Trade got 33 batches of deadly germs,
including anthrax and botulism in 1988.
Ten months after the first President Bush was inaugurated in 1988, an
unnamed U.S. firm sent eight substances, including the germ that
causes strep throat, to Iraq's University of Basrah.
An unnamed office in Basrah, Iraq, got "West Nile Fever Virus" from
an unnamed U.S. company in 1985, the Senate testimony shows.
While there is no proof that the recent outbreak of West Nile virus
in the United States stemmed from anything Iraq did, Riegle said, "You
have to ask yourself, might there be a connection?"
Researchers at the Center for Strategic and International Studies
said American companies were not the only ones that sent anthrax
cultures to Iraq. British firms sold cultures to the University of
Baghdad that were transferred to the Iraqi military, the Center for
Strategic and International Studies said. The Swiss also sent
cultures.
The data on American shipments of deadly biological agents to Iraq
was developed for the Senate Banking Committee in the winter of 1994
by the panel's chief investigator, James Tuite, and other staffers,
and entered into the committee record May 25, 1994.
The committee was trying to establish that thousands of service
personnel were harmed by exposure to Iraqi chemical weapons during the
Gulf War, particularly following a U.S. air attack on a munitions
dump - a theory that the Defense Department and much of official
Washington have always downplayed.
Bureau assistant Diana Moore and News researcher Andrew Bailey
contributed to this article.
Temat: Rada Bezpieczeństwa podzielona w sprawie rezolu...
FOREIGN POLICY
U.S. sent Iraq germs in mid-'80s
By DOUGLAS TURNER
News Washington Bureau Chief
9/23/2002
WASHINGTON - American research companies, with the approval of two
previous presidential administrations, provided Iraq biological
cultures that could be used for biological weapons, according to
testimony to a U.S. Senate committee eight years ago. West Nile
Virus, E. coli, anthrax and botulism were among the potentially fatal
biological cultures that a U.S. company sent under U.S. Commerce
Department licenses after 1985, when Ronald Reagan was president,
according to the Senate testimony.
The Commerce Department under the first Bush administration also
authorized eight shipments of cultures that the Centers for Disease
Control and Prevention later classified as having "biological warfare
significance."
Between 1985 and 1989, the Senate testimony shows, Iraq received at
least 72 U.S. shipments of clones, germs and chemicals ranging from
substances that could destroy wheat crops, give children and animals
the bone-deforming disease rickets, to a nerve gas rated a million
times more lethal than Sarin.
Disclosures about such shipments in the late 1980s not only highlight
questions about old policies but pose new ones, such as how well the
American military forces would be protected against such an arsenal -
if one exists - should the United States invade Iraq.
Testimony on these shipments was offered in 1994 to the Senate
Banking Committee headed by then-Sens. Donald Riegle Jr., D-Mich.,
and Alfonse M. D'Amato, R-N.Y., who were critics of the policy. The
testimony, which occurred during hearings that were held about the
poor health of some returning Gulf War veterans, was brought to the
attention of The Buffalo News by associates of Riegle.
The committee oversees the work of the U.S. Export Administration of
the Commerce Department, which licensed the shipments of the dangerous
biological agents.
"Saddam (Hussein) took full advantage of the arrangement," Riegle
said in an interview with The News late last week. "They seemed to
give him anything he wanted. Even so, it's right out of a science
fiction movie as to why we would send this kind of stuff to anybody."
The new Bush administration, he said, claims Hussein is adding to his
bioweapons capability.
"If that's the case, then the issue needs discussion and clarity,"
Riegle said. "But it's not something anybody wants to talk about."
The shipments were sent to Iraq in the late 1980s, when that country
was engaged in a war with Iran, and Presidents Reagan and George Bush
were trying to diminish the influence of a nation that took Americans
hostages a decade earlier and was still aiding anti-Israeli
terrorists.
"Iraq was considered an ally of the U.S. in the 1980s," said Nancy
Wysocki, vice president for public relations for one of the U.S.
organizations that provided the materials to Hussein's regime.
"All these (shipments) were properly licensed by the government,
otherwise they would not have been sent," said Wysocki, who works for
American Type Culture Collection, Manassas, Va., a nonprofit
bioinformatics firm.
The shipments not only raise serious questions about the wisdom of
former administrations, Riegle said, but also questions about what
steps the Defense Department is taking to protect American military
personnel against Saddam's biological arsenal in the event of an
invasion.
Riegle said there are 100,000 names on a national registry of gulf
veterans who have reported illnesses they believe stem from their
tours of duty there.
"Some of these people, who went over there as young able-bodied
Americans, are now desperately ill," he said. "Some of them have
died."
"One of the obvious questions for today is: How has our Defense
Department adjusted to this threat to our own troops?" he said. "How
might this potential war proceed differently so that we don't have the
same outcome?
"How would our troops be protected? What kind of sensors do we have
now? In the Gulf War, the battlefield sensors went off tens of
thousands of times. The Defense Department says they were false
alarms."
U.S. bioinformatics firms in the 1980s received requests from a wide
variety of Iraqi agencies, all claiming the materials were intended
for civilian research purposes.
The congressional testimony from 1994 cites an American Type shipment
in 1985 to the Iraq Ministry of Higher Education of a substance that
resembles tuberculosis and influenza and causes enlargement of the
liver and spleen. It can also infect the brain, lungs, heart and
spinal column. The substance is called histoplasma capsulatum.
American Type also provided clones used in the development of germs
that would kill plants. The material went to the Iraq Atomic Energy
Commission, which the U.S. government says is a front for Saddam's
military.
An organization called the State Company for Drug Industries received
a pneumonia virus, and E. coli, salmonella and staphylcoccus in
August 1987 under U.S. license, according to the Senate testimony.
The country's Ministry of Trade got 33 batches of deadly germs,
including anthrax and botulism in 1988.
Ten months after the first President Bush was inaugurated in 1988, an
unnamed U.S. firm sent eight substances, including the germ that
causes strep throat, to Iraq's University of Basrah.
An unnamed office in Basrah, Iraq, got "West Nile Fever Virus" from
an unnamed U.S. company in 1985, the Senate testimony shows.
While there is no proof that the recent outbreak of West Nile virus
in the United States stemmed from anything Iraq did, Riegle said, "You
have to ask yourself, might there be a connection?"
Researchers at the Center for Strategic and International Studies
said American companies were not the only ones that sent anthrax
cultures to Iraq. British firms sold cultures to the University of
Baghdad that were transferred to the Iraqi military, the Center for
Strategic and International Studies said. The Swiss also sent
cultures.
The data on American shipments of deadly biological agents to Iraq
was developed for the Senate Banking Committee in the winter of 1994
by the panel's chief investigator, James Tuite, and other staffers,
and entered into the committee record May 25, 1994.
The committee was trying to establish that thousands of service
personnel were harmed by exposure to Iraqi chemical weapons during the
Gulf War, particularly following a U.S. air attack on a munitions
dump - a theory that the Defense Department and much of official
Washington have always downplayed.
Bureau assistant Diana Moore and News researcher Andrew Bailey
contributed to this article.
Temat: Irak ma broń B i C. Albo miał. A oto skąd!
Irak ma broń B i C. Albo miał. A oto skąd!
FOREIGN POLICY
U.S. sent Iraq germs in mid-'80s
By DOUGLAS TURNER
News Washington Bureau Chief
9/23/2002
WASHINGTON - American research companies, with the approval of two
previous presidential administrations, provided Iraq biological
cultures that could be used for biological weapons, according to
testimony to a U.S. Senate committee eight years ago. West Nile
Virus, E. coli, anthrax and botulism were among the potentially fatal
biological cultures that a U.S. company sent under U.S. Commerce
Department licenses after 1985, when Ronald Reagan was president,
according to the Senate testimony.
The Commerce Department under the first Bush administration also
authorized eight shipments of cultures that the Centers for Disease
Control and Prevention later classified as having "biological warfare
significance."
Between 1985 and 1989, the Senate testimony shows, Iraq received at
least 72 U.S. shipments of clones, germs and chemicals ranging from
substances that could destroy wheat crops, give children and animals
the bone-deforming disease rickets, to a nerve gas rated a million
times more lethal than Sarin.
Disclosures about such shipments in the late 1980s not only highlight
questions about old policies but pose new ones, such as how well the
American military forces would be protected against such an arsenal -
if one exists - should the United States invade Iraq.
Testimony on these shipments was offered in 1994 to the Senate
Banking Committee headed by then-Sens. Donald Riegle Jr., D-Mich.,
and Alfonse M. D'Amato, R-N.Y., who were critics of the policy. The
testimony, which occurred during hearings that were held about the
poor health of some returning Gulf War veterans, was brought to the
attention of The Buffalo News by associates of Riegle.
The committee oversees the work of the U.S. Export Administration of
the Commerce Department, which licensed the shipments of the dangerous
biological agents.
"Saddam (Hussein) took full advantage of the arrangement," Riegle
said in an interview with The News late last week. "They seemed to
give him anything he wanted. Even so, it's right out of a science
fiction movie as to why we would send this kind of stuff to anybody."
The new Bush administration, he said, claims Hussein is adding to his
bioweapons capability.
"If that's the case, then the issue needs discussion and clarity,"
Riegle said. "But it's not something anybody wants to talk about."
The shipments were sent to Iraq in the late 1980s, when that country
was engaged in a war with Iran, and Presidents Reagan and George Bush
were trying to diminish the influence of a nation that took Americans
hostages a decade earlier and was still aiding anti-Israeli
terrorists.
"Iraq was considered an ally of the U.S. in the 1980s," said Nancy
Wysocki, vice president for public relations for one of the U.S.
organizations that provided the materials to Hussein's regime.
"All these (shipments) were properly licensed by the government,
otherwise they would not have been sent," said Wysocki, who works for
American Type Culture Collection, Manassas, Va., a nonprofit
bioinformatics firm.
The shipments not only raise serious questions about the wisdom of
former administrations, Riegle said, but also questions about what
steps the Defense Department is taking to protect American military
personnel against Saddam's biological arsenal in the event of an
invasion.
Riegle said there are 100,000 names on a national registry of gulf
veterans who have reported illnesses they believe stem from their
tours of duty there.
"Some of these people, who went over there as young able-bodied
Americans, are now desperately ill," he said. "Some of them have
died."
"One of the obvious questions for today is: How has our Defense
Department adjusted to this threat to our own troops?" he said. "How
might this potential war proceed differently so that we don't have the
same outcome?
"How would our troops be protected? What kind of sensors do we have
now? In the Gulf War, the battlefield sensors went off tens of
thousands of times. The Defense Department says they were false
alarms."
U.S. bioinformatics firms in the 1980s received requests from a wide
variety of Iraqi agencies, all claiming the materials were intended
for civilian research purposes.
The congressional testimony from 1994 cites an American Type shipment
in 1985 to the Iraq Ministry of Higher Education of a substance that
resembles tuberculosis and influenza and causes enlargement of the
liver and spleen. It can also infect the brain, lungs, heart and
spinal column. The substance is called histoplasma capsulatum.
American Type also provided clones used in the development of germs
that would kill plants. The material went to the Iraq Atomic Energy
Commission, which the U.S. government says is a front for Saddam's
military.
An organization called the State Company for Drug Industries received
a pneumonia virus, and E. coli, salmonella and staphylcoccus in
August 1987 under U.S. license, according to the Senate testimony.
The country's Ministry of Trade got 33 batches of deadly germs,
including anthrax and botulism in 1988.
Ten months after the first President Bush was inaugurated in 1988, an
unnamed U.S. firm sent eight substances, including the germ that
causes strep throat, to Iraq's University of Basrah.
An unnamed office in Basrah, Iraq, got "West Nile Fever Virus" from
an unnamed U.S. company in 1985, the Senate testimony shows.
While there is no proof that the recent outbreak of West Nile virus
in the United States stemmed from anything Iraq did, Riegle said, "You
have to ask yourself, might there be a connection?"
Researchers at the Center for Strategic and International Studies
said American companies were not the only ones that sent anthrax
cultures to Iraq. British firms sold cultures to the University of
Baghdad that were transferred to the Iraqi military, the Center for
Strategic and International Studies said. The Swiss also sent
cultures.
The data on American shipments of deadly biological agents to Iraq
was developed for the Senate Banking Committee in the winter of 1994
by the panel's chief investigator, James Tuite, and other staffers,
and entered into the committee record May 25, 1994.
The committee was trying to establish that thousands of service
personnel were harmed by exposure to Iraqi chemical weapons during the
Gulf War, particularly following a U.S. air attack on a munitions
dump - a theory that the Defense Department and much of official
Washington have always downplayed.
Bureau assistant Diana Moore and News researcher Andrew Bailey
contributed to this article.
Temat: Izrael odpowie na ewentualny ostrzał Iraku
A na pociskach irackich bedą napisy Made in USA
FOREIGN POLICY
U.S. sent Iraq germs in mid-'80s
By DOUGLAS TURNER
News Washington Bureau Chief
9/23/2002
WASHINGTON - American research companies, with the approval of two
previous presidential administrations, provided Iraq biological
cultures that could be used for biological weapons, according to
testimony to a U.S. Senate committee eight years ago. West Nile
Virus, E. coli, anthrax and botulism were among the potentially fatal
biological cultures that a U.S. company sent under U.S. Commerce
Department licenses after 1985, when Ronald Reagan was president,
according to the Senate testimony.
The Commerce Department under the first Bush administration also
authorized eight shipments of cultures that the Centers for Disease
Control and Prevention later classified as having "biological warfare
significance."
Between 1985 and 1989, the Senate testimony shows, Iraq received at
least 72 U.S. shipments of clones, germs and chemicals ranging from
substances that could destroy wheat crops, give children and animals
the bone-deforming disease rickets, to a nerve gas rated a million
times more lethal than Sarin.
Disclosures about such shipments in the late 1980s not only highlight
questions about old policies but pose new ones, such as how well the
American military forces would be protected against such an arsenal -
if one exists - should the United States invade Iraq.
Testimony on these shipments was offered in 1994 to the Senate
Banking Committee headed by then-Sens. Donald Riegle Jr., D-Mich.,
and Alfonse M. D'Amato, R-N.Y., who were critics of the policy. The
testimony, which occurred during hearings that were held about the
poor health of some returning Gulf War veterans, was brought to the
attention of The Buffalo News by associates of Riegle.
The committee oversees the work of the U.S. Export Administration of
the Commerce Department, which licensed the shipments of the dangerous
biological agents.
"Saddam (Hussein) took full advantage of the arrangement," Riegle
said in an interview with The News late last week. "They seemed to
give him anything he wanted. Even so, it's right out of a science
fiction movie as to why we would send this kind of stuff to anybody."
The new Bush administration, he said, claims Hussein is adding to his
bioweapons capability.
"If that's the case, then the issue needs discussion and clarity,"
Riegle said. "But it's not something anybody wants to talk about."
The shipments were sent to Iraq in the late 1980s, when that country
was engaged in a war with Iran, and Presidents Reagan and George Bush
were trying to diminish the influence of a nation that took Americans
hostages a decade earlier and was still aiding anti-Israeli
terrorists.
"Iraq was considered an ally of the U.S. in the 1980s," said Nancy
Wysocki, vice president for public relations for one of the U.S.
organizations that provided the materials to Hussein's regime.
"All these (shipments) were properly licensed by the government,
otherwise they would not have been sent," said Wysocki, who works for
American Type Culture Collection, Manassas, Va., a nonprofit
bioinformatics firm.
The shipments not only raise serious questions about the wisdom of
former administrations, Riegle said, but also questions about what
steps the Defense Department is taking to protect American military
personnel against Saddam's biological arsenal in the event of an
invasion.
Riegle said there are 100,000 names on a national registry of gulf
veterans who have reported illnesses they believe stem from their
tours of duty there.
"Some of these people, who went over there as young able-bodied
Americans, are now desperately ill," he said. "Some of them have
died."
"One of the obvious questions for today is: How has our Defense
Department adjusted to this threat to our own troops?" he said. "How
might this potential war proceed differently so that we don't have the
same outcome?
"How would our troops be protected? What kind of sensors do we have
now? In the Gulf War, the battlefield sensors went off tens of
thousands of times. The Defense Department says they were false
alarms."
U.S. bioinformatics firms in the 1980s received requests from a wide
variety of Iraqi agencies, all claiming the materials were intended
for civilian research purposes.
The congressional testimony from 1994 cites an American Type shipment
in 1985 to the Iraq Ministry of Higher Education of a substance that
resembles tuberculosis and influenza and causes enlargement of the
liver and spleen. It can also infect the brain, lungs, heart and
spinal column. The substance is called histoplasma capsulatum.
American Type also provided clones used in the development of germs
that would kill plants. The material went to the Iraq Atomic Energy
Commission, which the U.S. government says is a front for Saddam's
military.
An organization called the State Company for Drug Industries received
a pneumonia virus, and E. coli, salmonella and staphylcoccus in
August 1987 under U.S. license, according to the Senate testimony.
The country's Ministry of Trade got 33 batches of deadly germs,
including anthrax and botulism in 1988.
Ten months after the first President Bush was inaugurated in 1988, an
unnamed U.S. firm sent eight substances, including the germ that
causes strep throat, to Iraq's University of Basrah.
An unnamed office in Basrah, Iraq, got "West Nile Fever Virus" from
an unnamed U.S. company in 1985, the Senate testimony shows.
While there is no proof that the recent outbreak of West Nile virus
in the United States stemmed from anything Iraq did, Riegle said, "You
have to ask yourself, might there be a connection?"
Researchers at the Center for Strategic and International Studies
said American companies were not the only ones that sent anthrax
cultures to Iraq. British firms sold cultures to the University of
Baghdad that were transferred to the Iraqi military, the Center for
Strategic and International Studies said. The Swiss also sent
cultures.
The data on American shipments of deadly biological agents to Iraq
was developed for the Senate Banking Committee in the winter of 1994
by the panel's chief investigator, James Tuite, and other staffers,
and entered into the committee record May 25, 1994.
The committee was trying to establish that thousands of service
personnel were harmed by exposure to Iraqi chemical weapons during the
Gulf War, particularly following a U.S. air attack on a munitions
dump - a theory that the Defense Department and much of official
Washington have always downplayed.
Bureau assistant Diana Moore and News researcher Andrew Bailey
contributed to this article.
Temat: NY Times: Wiktor Jerofiejew o terrorze i Putinie
NY Times: Wiktor Jerofiejew o terrorze i Putinie
The following commentary by VICTOR EROFEYEV was published in the New York
Times; September 11, 2004:
MOSCOW ? The blow struck by Islamic terrorism at the twin towers in New York
three years ago came as a complete surprise to Russia. We had not suspected
that the new century would begin with such a bloody dawn. Our people spent
that day frozen in horror in front of their television sets: What kind of
enemy was this, capable of bringing to life the most monstrous fantasies of
Hollywood? I was outside the American Embassy in Moscow late on the evening
of Sept. 11, 2001. The pavement was littered with flowers and lighted
candles. I think that never have Russians been brought so close to America by
such profound and heartfelt compassion.
We Russians believe that grief brings people closer together - it has always
been and still is a feeling that is shared. Sept. 11 changed the image of the
United States in Russian consciousness forever: we realized that we live in a
single world and that world is in need of our care and protection. Sept. 11
also affected us in another way. The whole of Russia was struck by the
disciplined manner in which Americans and their government behaved during
that tragic time.
The Russian state, alas, has lagged behind the heart: the leadership here has
lacked the courage to draw the conclusion that we share a common enemy. I am
by no means one of those who believe that America under George W. Bush has
done everything right. In apparent mockery of its own freedoms it has
developed ominous tendencies toward Orwellian social distortion. But at the
same time, I admire America for seeing what we should have seen in Russia.
There's a paradox here. After all, you would think that Russia, with a
perspective born of historical experience, would have been able to guess
where the extremist ideology of Islamic fundamentalism was leading. Remember,
revolutionary terrorism was born here and honed in Stalin's gulag. Islamic
radicalism grew up in moral opposition to the "rotten" West - an idea that
those of us reared in the Soviet Union can easily grasp - out of resentment,
poverty and national humiliation. (We know where the Germans were led by
these feelings.) Now this same flammable mixture has exploded within our own
borders.
Shamil Basayev, the Chechen rebel leader, might well be feeling pleased with
himself. Probably his greatest victory so far had been to impose a state of
dual power on Russia: President Vladimir Putin as the ruler of Russia and Mr.
Basayev as the commander of fear. What happened at the school in Beslan was
something that Mr. Basayev had never managed to achieve before. He forced
Russia to sit up and listen. Now everyone has realized that this business is
not coming to an end, that it is only just beginning, the beginning of a new
war.
Where does Mr. Basayev end and Al Qaeda begin? A separatist and a
fundamentalist are two very different things. The first demands political
separation; the second declares holy war against us. But the separatist
Basayev no longer exists. A massacre of children worthy of Herod is not a
coded invitation to peace negotiations. Mr. Basayev's message can no longer
be reduced to vengeance, an idea that presumes we call it quits when all the
scores have been settled.
The military dispute over Chechen sovereignty, morally impossible for Russia
to win from the very beginning, has mutated, leaving none of the old
certainties in place. Like Osama bin Laden's attack on the United States, Mr.
Basayev's attack signifies the start here of the Third World War of which the
whole of Western civilization is so rightly afraid, which it tries with all
its might to postpone, which it even tries to ignore.
Russia is far from certain that it has any substantial relationship to this
newly imperiled civilization. It relapses into a stupor in the face of its
enemy's audacity. It looks back, sometimes with nostalgia, on Stalin's
cunning imperial maneuvers, at his seizure of half of Europe. Nowadays it is
awkward and ungainly.
But while Russia has been unsuccessfully searching for its own national idea
since the collapse of communism, the extremists have listed it as one of
their enemies, and have acted accordingly. A war has begun here, and we have
to live by the laws of wartime and submit to the ruling authority. This
authority has unfortunately inherited a bad legacy; it is not responsible to
anyone and it is inclined to tell lies. But no matter what one might think of
Mr. Putin - we know his weaknesses, we know his penchant for censorship and
restrictive legislation - he is the one who must lead us. In the absence of
any real political opposition or civil society, it is the president who must
decide whose side Russia will be on in the war. As to the right decision,
there is no question.
Russians would like to remain hors de combat in the conflict of
civilizations, but they won't be able to. On Sept. 11, 2001, we wept in
sympathy with America; after Beslan we have to dry our tears and try to build
genuine ties with the West.
Victor Erofeyev is the editor of "The Penguin Book of New Russian Writing"
and the author of "Russian Beauty."' This article was translated by Andrew
Bromfield from the Russian.
Temat: Poland's economic challenge,BIEDNA POLSKA
Poland's economic challenge,BIEDNA POLSKA
Poland's economic challenge
Poland: Not the promising economy it once was
How things change.
A couple of years ago, after one of the most vigorous reform programmes in
the post-communist world, the Polish economy was the darling of the
investment community.
Key statistics, 2000
Population: 38.6 million
GDP per head: $4,080
Inflation: 10.1%
Foreign investment since 1991: $36bn
Exchange rate: Zl6.23:£1
Now, growth and investment are slumping, unemployment is on the rise, and
the mood is distinctly sour.
Poland's right-of-centre government was obliterated in Sunday's general
election - and the wilting economy was one of the main reasons why.
But with an incoming administration composed almost entirely of ex-
communists, what chance does the economy have of picking up?
Tiger no more
Not long ago, Poland was being referred to as Eastern Europe's "tiger"
economy.
How much will the election change?
Polish gross domestic product (GDP) grew by 7% in 1997, and by an annual 4-
5% over the following three years.
But that boom has fizzled out.
This year, GDP growth looks like being in the 1.5-2.0% range, and could well
come in much lower.
Last year, foreign direct investment was a record $13bn - easily the
strongest performance in the East European region.
This year, there is unlikely to be more than half that amount, and the
previous rush into the Warsaw stock market has all-but dried up, too.
At the same time, unemployment - a particularly sticky political issue in
Poland - is surging: the rate was 16% in August, up from 13.9% a year
earlier.
Government promises...
Part of this is the natural result of the slowdown among Poland's trading
partners, especially Germany, and of catastrophic floods that swept the
country last month.
Polish GDP growth
1996: 6%
1997: 6.8%
1998: 4.8%
1999: 4.1%
2000: 4.0%
2001 forecast: 1.5-2.0%
But the government of prime minister Jerzy Buzek, which was elected amid
such hopes in 1997, did not exactly help matters.
As a nominally right-wing coalition, Mr Buzek's government promised to keep
economic reform on the boil.
And since the Solidarity trade union was a component of the coalition,
Polish workers felt they were likely to get a good deal.
... but fails to deliver
But the loose alliance of governing parties spent more time squabbling than
pushing through reform.
The government has fallen out of favour
In the most recent example, Finance Minister Jaroslaw Bauc was sacked at the
end of August, after proposing an unpalatable but necessary austerity
package.
"There is an atmosphere where if someone sticks their head above the
parapet, it gets shot off," says Andrew Chilvers, editor of the Warsaw
Business Journal.
This has led to an almost complete halt in economic reform, especially
privatisation, which has always been controversial.
Two days before the election, the privatisation agency said it had blocked
the most keenly-awaited sale to date, that of oil monolith PKN Orlen.
Fundamentally troubled
The government's inaction may not be entirely to blame for Poland's economic
problems, but it has made it a scapegoat for the current situation.
Jerzy Buzek: Beset by squabbling partners
And it has made Poles and foreign investors look harder at the less-than-
pretty economic fundamentals.
Poland, although heavily industrialised in parts, is still a largely
agrarian economy.
Farming accounts for one-quarter of employment, but only around 5% of
economic output.
Average monthly wages, at less than 2,200 zloty (£353; $518), are below
those in neighbouring countries such as the Czech Republic and Hungary - and
that figure disguises deep inequalities between the metropolitan elite and
the rural poor.
Bad for business
Although foreign investment has helped boost some corporate sectors -
notably retailing - much of Polish industry remains inefficient and deeply
uncompetitive.
The communist era saddled Poland with some of the heaviest industry in
Eastern Europe, particularly steel and coal, which have little chance of
forging a role in the wider European economy.
And looming over everything is the massive Polish bureaucracy, one of the
least efficient civil services in Central Europe.
All these issues act as barriers to Poland's eventual ambition of joining
the European Union.
While political pressure for EU membership, both from inside and outside the
country, remains strong, the length of the process means that popular
enthusiasm is waning, with only a slim majority in favour of joining.
Left bounces back
So what chance is there of a turnaround?
Leszek Miller: No longer such an apparatchik
On the face of it, very little.
The incoming government, the Democratic Left Alliance (SLD) of Leszek
Miller, comprises almost entirely ex-communists.
Mr Miller himself is a former secretary of the central committee of the
Polish communist party.
In recent days, the SLD has made a series of troubling statements, in
particular a promise to re-examine the paltry number of privatisation deals
conducted under Mr Buzek's administration.
Investor cheer
But in a reverse of the usual political rules, most investors are looking
forward to the arrival of a left-wing government.
Aleksander Kwasniewski: new face of Polish communism
That is partly because it will be strong: the SLD should have a clear
majority on its own, rather than relying on a fissiparous coalition to get
its measures through parliament.
But it is also because the SLD is far slicker than most ex-communist parties
around Eastern Europe.
Poland's president, Aleksander Kwasniewski, is an SLD member and was a
minister in the dying days of the communist regime, but is highly regarded
for his smooth presentation skills and liberal policies.
The last period of SLD rule, during the mid-1990s, was considerably brisker
in pursuit of reform than Mr Buzek's government.
Jobs for the boys
On 19 September Mr Miller cheered investors by naming Marek Belka, a US-
trained economist, as his finance minister.
Mr Belka has already drawn up an austerity programme that goes beyond that
proposed by the unfortunate Mr Bauc.
And while the government will be changing, some of the most important
economic policy makers will stay on - notably central bank governor Leszek
Balcerowicz who, as finance minister, steered Poland through the radical
reforms of the early 1990s.
As Poland's economy faces its first slump since the Balcerowicz years, more
radical reforms may well be ahead.
Temat: Nowa ofiara pulapki paszportowej
Nowa ofiara pulapki paszportowej
http://www.cyberexpres.com/display.asp?id=1329
24/6/2003 W pułapce paszportowej, czyli szantaż władz RP
Wyobraz sobie taki koszmar: zachorowala Ci matka, musisz natychmiast jechac
do Polski. Jako obywatel Australii dostajesz wize do australijskiego
paszportu w Konsulacie RP. W Polsce nagle dowiadujesz sie, ze jestes tam
NIELEGALNIE, bo nie masz polskiego paszportu i NIE MOZESZ OPUSCIC POLSKI !!
Wyrobienie paszportu moze potrwac miesiace, a Twoj bilet powrotny wygasa juz
wkrotce. A teraz wyobraz sobie, ze to NIE JEST SEN, to jawa, ktora uwiezila w
Polsce Rafala Weissa z Brisbane.
Tak wlasnie wyglada szalenstwo polskiej ustawy obywatelsko-paszportowej,
zwanej juz popularnie "pulapka" lub "szantazem paszportowym". Rafal Weiss,
Australijczyk polskiego pochodzenia, nie moze powrocic do Australii, poniewaz
wladze polskie nie chca go wypuscic. Nie myslcie sobie, ze cos w Polsce
przeskrobal - nic z tych rzeczy! Po prostu tak wyglada stosunek rzadu
polskiego do obywateli innych krajow, ktorzy maja polskie pochodzenie.
Przypadki "aresztu paszportowego" zdarzaly sie juz obywatelom Kanady,
Wielkiej Brytanii oraz Australii. Ustawa obowiazuje wszystkie osoby, ktorym
mozna udowodnic polskie korzenie, NAWET JESLI TE OSOBY URODZILY SIE POZA
POLSKA I NIGDY W POLSCE NIE BYLY !!
To znaczy, ze wnuki powojennej imigracji, ktore w ogole nie poczuwaja sie do
polskosci, od urodzenia sa obywatelami Australii i byc moze nawet o Polsce
nic nie wiedza, moga nagle zostac zatrzymane w Polsce przez jakiegos
nadgorliwego urzedasa, poniewaz wjechaly do kraju na australijskich
paszportach, jak na Australijczyka przystalo. Wyobrazacie sobie szok tych
ludzi i strach jaki ich opanuje?
Wiem, ze w tym momencie Czytelnicy z Polski nie wierza w ani jedno slowo tu
napisane, bo w taki absurd trudno uwierzyc. Oni po prostu nic o tym nie
wiedza, bo w Polsce nikt o tym nie mowi. A ci nieliczni, ktorzy o tym wiedza,
zakladaja od reki, ze ustawa ta chroni Polske przed rzekomymi machlojami
majatkowymi itp. "podwojnych obywateli" (czytaj: cwaniakow, ktorzy uzywaja
podwojnego obywatelstwa aby ulatwic sobie robienie brudnych interesow w
Polsce) - bo tak wlasnie uzasadniano powody wprowadzenia tej idiotycznej i
dyskryminacyjnej ustawy.
Ale wierzcie mi kochani - to jak najbardziej prawda! Tak wlasnie Wasz rzad,
ktory oficjalnie trabi o pojednaniu z Polonia i poglebieniu wspolpracy,
traktuje swych Rodakow oraz innych turystow, ktorzy niekoniecznie czuja sie
rodakami.
Wracajac do Rafala Weissa, ktory jest bylym wiceprezesem Stowarzyszenia
Polskich Kombatantow w Brisbane: jego sprawa zajela sie Rada Naczelna Polonii
Australijskiej, ktora wystosowala listy protestacyjne do wladz polskich i
australijskich, oraz kilka innych osob z jego otoczenia, m.in. p. Miroslaw
Rymar z Koła Nr. 8 Stowarzyszenia Polskich Kombatantow w Brisbane, ktore
rowniez wystosowalo podobne listy.
Oto one:
From: Polish Community Council of Australia
To: Department of Foreign Affairs and Trade
Barton ACT 2600
Attention Ms Margaret Twomey,
Assistant Secretary Eastern Europe Branch
Dear Sir,
I am writing on behalf of our Council to seek your Department's urgent
intervention in the case of Mr Rafal Weiss, an Australian Citizen and
Brisbane resident, who was issued a visa to travel to Poland as a matter of
urgency but who now finds that he is unable to leave Poland to return to
Australia without first obtaining a separate Polish passport.
Our Council is concerned with the general approach of the present Polish
Government, which is insisting that all Polish born people planning to visit
Poland, regardless of their current citizenship status, obtain separate
Polish passports for the purpose of entering and leaving that country.
Concurrently with this demand there is a clear expectation that such
citizens, once they enter Poland, will not have the right to seek consular
assistance from the Australian Embassy in Poland. We will be taking this
matter up both here and in Poland through political and administrative
channels but in the meantime find ourselves drawn into the situation
encountered by Mr Weiss, which though different because Mr Weiss entered
Poland on an Australian passport, exemplifies the unacceptable and we believe
unjustified attitude of current Polish authorities. We are aware that Polish
born Canadian and UK citizens have encountered difficulties similar to those
encountered by Mr Weiss in the past two/three years.
Because he had to travel to Poland urgently, Mr Weiss was issued with a ten-
day visa by the Polish Consul General in Sydney. He travelled on an
Australian passport. He was informed, however, that should there be a need he
would have no difficulty in having the visa extended in Poland. However, when
he applied for a visa extension on arrival in Poland he was informed, after a
week that, as he was Polish born and therefore a Polish citizen, he would not
be able to leave Poland without first obtaining a Polish passport. This
process normally takes many months yet he has a return ticket for 2 July.
We understand that Mr Weiss has been in contact with the Australian Embassy
in Warsaw but was not able to obtain any assistance from them.
Given the unusual circumstances and the fact that Mr Weiss is an Australian
citizen, who travelled to Poland on an Australian passport our Council seeks
your Department's intervention with Polish Government authorities both here
and in Poland with a view to achieving an appropriate resolution to this
issue.
Your assistance will be much appreciated by the entire Polish community in
Australia.
Yours sincerely,
Andrew Alwast
Vice President
19 June 2003
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